The Wonderful, Horrible
Films of Paul Verhoeven
by Dan Streible
How
do you tell a fascist film? Or
does it matter anymore? Can a
contemporary Hollywood movie traffic in both Nazi iconography and fascistic
philosophy and still pass as harmless entertainment, noted only for its great
special effects and its use of more rounds of ammunition than any film in
history? And is the presence of
"men with guns" a required signifier for a film either to encourage a
fascist point of view or to be symptomatic of a culture listing to the right?
Such
questions were raised in 1997 with the well-hyped release of Paul Verhoeven¹s
$100 million adaptation of Robert A. Heinlein¹s 1959 ³classic² science fiction
novel Starship Troopers.
All of the films Verhoeven has directed since his arrival in Hollywood
have generated controversy. His
work has alarmed cultural guardians with its extraordinary levels of gruesome
violence [Robocop (1987), Total Recall (1990)] and graphic sexual
exhibition [Basic Instinct (1992), Showgirls (1995)]. Comparatively, however, Starship
Troopers received only a modicum of critical chastisement. This despite the fact that -- in
addition to the gory, flesh-ripping gunplay -- the film offers up what its
producers called a ³fascist utopia.² [1]
Its top-gun, teenage warrior-heroes are showcased in a glossy display,
steeped in Nazi aesthetics. They
embrace a rousing militarism that deems democracy a failure and a martial state
a success. Our young S.S. Troopers
casually but willfully endorse the ideals of the Federation that teaches them
"violence is the supreme authority." In short, under Verhoeven¹s helm, the position affirmed by
all of the principal characters fails to differentiate itself sufficiently
from, say, the ideology espoused by certain well-known orators captured on film
in Nuremberg in September of 1934.
A major studio release that doesn't just allude to, but looks, talks,
and walks like Triumph of the Will (Leni Riefenstahl, 1935)?
The
release of Starship Troopers prompts a renegotiation of the critical
debate around the issue of incipient fascism in contemporary Hollywood
cinema. The film also represents a
distressing shift in the ability of Paul Verhoeven to intervene from within the
system as a potent postmodernist who makes blockbusters that knowingly ridicule
the violent, action extravaganza mentality. Rather than critiquing such projects, Starship Troopers
falls into a political incoherence that potentially enables viewers to
entertain the idea of a fascistic military state as a viable future. While the machine gun and other
firepower remain fetishized in the imagery of this high-tech movie, men with
guns do not necessarily rule the day.
The "Morita"[2] rifles the troopers wield against hostile
alien insects allow them to display a degree of bravado and power on the
battlefield, but their guns do not win the war. In a cinematic age in which Texas-sized meteorites bombard
the earth, guns ultimately become a symbol of impotence rather than power. However, in Starship Troopers
this decline of the gun's dominion does not indicate a failing of the future
warrior-state. Rather the film
suggests that power derives from the lens of a camera rather than the barrel of
a gun. The power of fascist force
comes less from its military superiority than its ability to captivate minds
with its commanding, monumental imagery, its corporative ability to create
group-think.
Given
the troubling political
implications of Starship Troopers, I¹d like to examine how such a film
came to be, how it was positioned for reception and how it was received. My conclusions are based on an
examination of movie trade journals, promotional materials, journalistic
reviews, and on-line discussions -- both critical and fan-based. As secondary resources I consider Starship
Troopers in the light of what critical film studies have previously
suggested about cinema and fascism.
The key text remains Susan Sontag¹s 1974 essay ³Fascinating Fascism,²
which sought to define the aesthetic markers that abetted fascist, or at least
Nazi, art as evident in the work of Leni Riefenstahl.[3]
Also
important is the way in which Verhoeven figures into the symptomatic readings
of key films from Reagan-era Hollywood, particularly those by critics such as
Robin Wood, Michael Ryan, Douglas Kellner, David Denby, Susan Jeffords, Stephen
Prince and others. Their
perspective has noted how both patently conservative films (Red Dawn,
Rambo, Schwarzenegger vehicles) and mainstream fantasies (the Star Wars, Rocky,
and Indiana Jones series) betrayed tendencies that had disturbing parallels
with fascist culture.
"Vengeful patriotism, worship of the male torso,"
"military spectacle" and weapons of overkill were making U.S. commercial
cinema into a showcase for what J. Hoberman called in 1985 "The Fascist
Guns in the West."[4] In the
decade following, Hollywood continued in a similar vein, with big-budget
spectacles ranging from Bruce Willis action pictures to jingoistic sci-fi
shootouts like Independence Day (1996). Yet cries of fascism diminished
in critical circles. This was also
a period when Verhoeven directed his acclaimed Robocop and the dense,
complex Total Recall -- two conspicuous blockbusters that retained the
big guns and special effects while seeming to subvert the political inflections
of the genre.
Given
this context, the contradictions of Starship Troopers require
explanation. How did a Hollywood
film with such in-your-face fascist imagery appear at a time when concerns over
quasi-fascist tendencies in popular cinema had become muted? Does the film undo Verhoeven's previous
reputation as a thoughtful if audacious social commentator?
Inside the Cabinet of Dr. Verhoeven
We
must begin by reading Starship Troopers as part of the ³wonderful,
horrible² films of Paul Verhoeven.
I appropriate the title of Ray Müller¹s insightful documentary film
about Leni Riefenstahl because Verhoeven seems a parallel enigma to her: an auteur full
of self-contradiction whose work invites polarizing analyses, an artist who
avows provocative artistic creation while disavowing political intention or
social responsibility.[5] In the
1990s, Verhoeven became a bête noire, the director of
horrible excess who pushed the limits of MPAA-approved violence and sex. Yet his films remain wonderful enough
-- in box office terms and in stylistic distinctiveness -- to keep him on the
major studios¹ A-list. In the
1980s, he also was lauded by analysts of pop culture politics. Retaining the edge of his Dutch films,
Verhoeven was credited with critiquing the retrograde aspects of the Hollywood
action blockbuster by making ultraviolent, effects-laden fantasies that
ridiculed the conservative, militaristic ethos of Rambo and his cohort. If Sylvester Stallone could blow away
his enemy with force of arms, Verhoeven would paint a world in which everyone
was subject to gunfire. Like the
Dutch masters of old, he put the anatomies of corpses on display. But his bodies were ripped by disorderly
bullets, not scientifically vivisected by surgeons. [6]
Stephen
Prince's perceptive book Visions of Empire (1992) epitomizes the
critical valorization of Verhoeven.
Prince discusses the director's work as part of a "dystopia
cycle" of movies that countered the conservative trend in eighties
Hollywood. Arguing that such films
confront issues of political exploitation, corporate control and resistance to
police-state coercion, he says such ideas "receive their most intelligent
and deliberate working out" in Verhoeven's Robocop and Total
Recall, the cycle's "two most outstanding exemplars." Prince calls the former a "grim
indictment of Reagan policies" that is nothing less than " a thinking
person's action film whose politics are left of center." Like other admirers of the movie, he
interprets its satirical humor as granting viewers "the Brechtian distance
necessary to see ties between their world and the film's future." While Total Recall is a more
compromised critique, it remains a "cautionary fable" that becomes
"one of the subtlest but most critical imaginative transformations of the
political referents of the Reagan period." Arnold Schwarzenegger's
proletarian hero of the future is a rebellious freedom fighter who overthrows a
villainous corporate state (headed, as in Robocop, by a perfectly evil
boss played by Ronny Cox). In
Prince's estimation "one feels that Verhoeven would have gone much
farther" in his political critique if not for the constraints of
commercial production.[7]
Certainly
one does not "feel" this when watching Starship Troopers. The cinematic provocateur, earlier
hailed as a subversive satirist, instead made a movie that flirts closely with
fascist ideas and images. He seems
quite an unlikely candidate for such work. Or such were my impressions after spending a day with the
director in November 1995.
Although his inglorious Showgirls had just been released, he made
good on his pro bono offer to meet with film students. With a Ph.D. in mathematics, Dr.
Verhoeven was at home in the academic environment. He was engaging, bright, and unpretentious. He was glad to engage in debates about
civil liberties, sexuality, censorship, art and morality. Clearly he took his work seriously,
even if he was too often vague about why he engaged in such controversial types
of representation. (Often he would say only it was because ³that interests
me.²)[8]
Two
items of relevance here arose during this encounter. First, Verhoeven described his preproduction for a
big-budget, big-bug film called Starship Troopers, which had been
greenlighted solely, on the basis of a short sample of computer-generated giant
insects done by special effects artist Phil Tippett. Second was his frequent reference to his World War II childhood
experiences as an explanation for his comfort level with violence and
dismembered bodies. Born in
Holland in 1938, he was socialized, he said, into a world where seeing Nazi
invaders drag off the Dutch dead was commonplace.
With
this in mind, Verhoeven¹s rendering of ³fascism lite² -- as Der Spigel
called it[9] -- is all the more surprising and disconcerting. Why would a recipient of Nazi
aggression make a film which permits a reading of fascism as a possible future
that "works"? Even
Verhoeven¹s earliest cinematic credentials seem solidly anti-fascist. After learning filmmaking in the Dutch
military (like Heinlein he was a Navy man), he made Mussert (1968), a
documentary about the head of the Netherlands¹ Fascist Party during World War
II. Soldier of Orange
(1979), which led Steven Spielberg to invite Verhoeven to Hollywood, is his
historical drama about Dutch resistance fighters who take on Nazi
collaborators. Far from lionizing
fascistic ideals of order, monumentalism, virile posing and perfect bodies,
Verhoeven¹s Dutch films undermine such values. His down-and-dirty seventies films are more at home with the
work of the ³degenerate² artists condemned by the Nazis. Irreverent, messy, vulgar. They also demonstrate sympathy for the
outsider. The bohemian sculptor in
Turkish Delight (1971), the gay writer in The 4th Man (1979), and
the disenchanted motorcycle riders of Spetters (1980) are a far cry from
the cardboard supersoldiers of Starship Troopers.
Yet
his futuristic war extravaganza was consistent with the turn Verhoeven took
when he came to Hollywood. Since Robocop,
his films have been marked by their excessive high gloss, splashy spectacle,
and intense action. Each contains
set pieces calculated to outrage middle-class sensibilities. Many turn disturbingly comical in
tone. In Robocop, we see
police officer Murphy tortured by drug dealers who make a game of shooting off
his hands and arms. After he is
resurrected as a cyborg, his first turn in crimefighting is to use his
laser-accurate pistol to shoot a would-be rapist in the genitals. In Total Recall, the rebel hero
fights off a series of machine-gun assaults, memorably using a human corpse as
a bullet-absorbing shield. Basic
Instinct¹s infamous opening features an explicit sex scene that culminates
with an icepick murder at orgasm.[10]
Starship
Troopers¹ deliberate flirtation with fascism, therefore, might be
understood as just another wrinkle in the Verhoeven career: ironic deployment of dizzying violence,
cold characters, outrageous political philosophy and allusion to Triumph of
the Will -- all merely for the sake of provocation. However, this excursion into the
postmodern politics of irony differs from its predecessors. Its irony is so "blank" that
it can invite readings as a text that seems neo-nazi itself.
Fascism Light and Magic
How
might a film be deemed "fascist" a half-century after Hitler? Does Troopers belong in this
category? In the broadest sense,
this special-effects fantasy is merely a part of the post-Star Wars
"cinema of oppressive spectacle" of which so many critics (liberal,
conservative, humanist) have complained.
David Mamet, for example, spells it out in a lesson on screenwriting.
We,
as the audience, are much better off with a sign that says A BLASTED HEATH, than
with all the brilliant cinematography in the world. To say "brilliant cinematography" is to say
"He made the trains run on time."
Witness
the rather fascistic trend in cinema in the last decade.
Q. How¹d you like the movie?
A. Fantastic cinematography.
Yeah,
but so what? Hitler had fantastic
cinematography. The question we
have ceased to ask is ³What is the brilliant. . . cinematography in aid
of?²[11]
So
it is with Troopers. The
giant bugs look cool. The effects
are fantastic. But so what?
As
cultural historian Russell Berman argues in his analysis of fascist form, Triumph
of the Will exemplifies the ³fascist privileging of sight and visual
representation² because fascism
"transforms the world into a visual object, ... the spectacular landscape
of industry and war.²[12] Thomas
Elsaesser points out in his assessment of Nazi-era commercial cinema, however,
this matter can be overly stressed.
To take this Frankfurt School view is ³to propose that all popular cinema is potentially fascistic, if by this we mean
illusionist, . . . using affect and emotion to overpower reason."[13] Clearly both Triumph and Troopers
stand to abet a fascist politics with their visual objectification of masses,
their overwhelming cinematography.
But to lump them together with Brazil
(Terry Gilliam, 1985), Metropolis (Fritz
Lang, 1926), 2001: A Space Odyssey (Stanley Kubrick, 1968), Contact (Robert
Zemeckis, 1997), or Apocalypse Now (Francis Coppola, 1979) is to lose
their more particular political meanings.
A
discernment of fascist tendencies in recent cinema also occurs in Robin Wood¹s
reading of Hollywood from Vietnam to Reagan. Wood identifies ³Fear of Fascism² as part of a
Spielberg-Lucas "syndrome," the potential for America to become a
totalitarian state, for the individualist American hero to become
indistinguishable from the fascist one, for the weak-minded to be taken over by
a Vader-ian Force. Although George
Lucas¹ well-known reference to Triumph of the Will is more discrete than
Verhoeven¹s, Wood suggests that its presence in Star Wars is more than
just a joke. The thrill of the
Jedi military victory and the spectacle of triumphant troops assembled at the
movie¹s conclusion resonate with authoritarian overtones. He also reminds us that, historically, fascist cultures did not feed on
overtly political propaganda films but on light entertainment that reinforced
certain conceptions of the body, national identity, family, etc. Rocky Balboa and Indiana Jones are not
protagonists in fascist films, but would be at home in a fascist popular
culture.[14]
Starship
Troopers puts fascist ideas on the table more explicitly than the
Spielberg-Lucas films. Indiana
Jones still knows a Nazi when he sees one. And he opposes them unambiguously. On a manifest level, these films don't encourage an
understanding of a Nazi enemy -- however cartoonish -- as anything other than
Other. Verhoeven¹s futuristic
fantasy treads on this dangerous ground by reversing this, inviting us to
identify with the fascist protagonist.[15]
To
be more historically precise, we can define fascism as a political and social
system marked by authoritarian
rule, military force, intense nationalism, expansionist conquest, demand for
racial purity, the rhetoric of Œnew order,¹ supremacy of the state, and
obedience to a charismatic leader (the one element absent from ST). It values martial discipline,
sacrifice, surrender of individual will to social order, glory in combat and
death, youthfulness and a cult of the body sans eros. None of
these alone is unique to fascist philosophy and I am not suggesting that
Verhoeven is advocating them. But
in bringing Heinlein¹s novel to the screen, he creates a cinematic space where
they are allowed to play amid a riot of Nazi mise-en-scene.
Heinlein¹s
book, as even its cult of fans admit, lacks strong plot or character
development. It is remembered for
its provocative political soapbox, in which the author argues for a
conservative-libertarian social order built by virile citizen-soldiers. The book itself is often labeled a
fascistic fantasy.[16] Despite the
novel¹s formal weaknesses, screenwriter Ed Neumeier (who also wrote Robocop)
retained its comic-book plot and pared down the philosophizing.
Johnny gets his Gun
Starship
Troopers combines Heinlein¹s sci-fi war story with a Melrose-dramatic teen
love triangle. Four friends are
graduating from a high school in a futuristic Buenos Aires that looks
suspiciously like a Los Angeles suburb.
All enlist in Federal Service:
our dumb-jock hero, Johnny Rico does it for his brainy-beautiful
girlfriend Carmen Ibañez, who goes to Flight Academy. Nerdy best friend Carl goes into military intelligence,
while smart-jock Dizzy Flores gives up her career as a pro football quarterback
to follow her beloved Johnny into the Mobile Infantry. Johnny is about to quit boot camp when Giant Bugs drop a meteor on
Buenos Aires, killing millions.
Johnny¹s platoon of gung-ho roughnecks are led into battle by their high
school civics teacher, Mr. Rasczak.
The battle for planet Klendathu is a fiasco, with troopers with their
World War II style machine guns prove no match for the deadly arachnids. A second battle ends in victory thanks
to Rico and Diz¹s sharpshooting and our hero¹s cowboy tactics with mini-nukes. The comrades-in-arms celebrate by having
sex, Johnny finally giving in when the eugenically-minded Moral Philosopher Lt. Rasczak instructs
him to procreate. Finally comes an
apparent suicide mission to Planet P, home of the giant Brain Bug. In a scene reminiscent of the Alamo, we
watch from inside the barricaded fort as millions of bugs swarm over the
fortress walls. Diz and Rasczak
die gruesome but heroic deaths, impaled by insect claws, before Carmen¹s fleet
arrives to save Johnny. During a
second attack, Carmen is captured and about to have her skull sucked dry by the
Brain Bug when Lt. Rico saves the day.
We end irresolutely, as Colonel Carl appears -- dressed in full Goebbels
regalia. He mindmelds with the
captured Brain Bug and, with a cruel smile, reports ³It¹s afraid!² Thousands of uniformed troopers,
looking ever so much like an army of ants, mindlessly cheer the fear in their
enemy. (³Fascist art glorifies
surrender, it exalts mindlessness,² Sontag observes.)[17]
As
the absurdity of the plot reveals, Verhoeven¹s film is highly ironic and often
satirical. Heinlein¹s high-minded
patriotism vanishes. And yet. .
. what is this irony is aid
of? Why do we
fight? In whose army do these
soldiers march? (an army whose sergeants insist ³Your weapon is more important
than you are!²) While Verhoeven¹s
adaptation undermines Heinlein¹s right-wing homily, it fails on three
fronts. Starship Troopers
wallows too deeply in Nazi iconography, enjoying its "fascinating
fascism"; it presents a
narrative in which a fascist future works, with no suggestion of resistance or
alternatives; and, most
egregiously, it targets an audience of teens and children, offering them the
possibility of making a positive identification with the film¹s young fascist
heroes.
The
Speerian mise-en-scene is persistent.
The imposing black eagle icon of the Federation mimics the first image
seen in Triumph of the Will.
Uniforms reference the brown-shirt style as well. The set design of the military camps
and Federation architecture imitate what Sontag described as the Deco fascist
style with its ³sharp lines and blunt massing of material, its petrified
eroticism.²[18] Asked about the
Nazi aesthetics, Ed Neumeier said simply, ³the Germans made the best-looking
stuff. Art directors love
it.² Verhoeven added, ³I just
wanted to play with these [Nazi images] in an artistic way.² His play includes more direct
references. The film¹s opening
sequence -- a recruitment ad -- ³is taken from Triumph of the Will,² the
director told Entertainment Weekly. ³When the soldiers look at the camera and say, ŒI¹m doing my
part!¹ that¹s from Riefenstahl. We
copied it. It¹s wink-wink
Riefenstahl.²[19]
Neumeier¹s
script begins and ends with the mocking description ³Proud YOUNG PEOPLE in
uniform, the bloom of human evolution.²
In casting, Verhoeven tries to have things both ways, playing with
fascist aesthetics to subvert them, but managing to privilege a racial type. This is most apparent in the lead
role. Heinlein¹s Juan ³Johnnie²
Rico was a Tagalog-speaking Filipino cum Federation (read: American) citizen-soldier. The movie Johnny and his
Spanish-surnamed girlfriends are supposed to be Argentinean (because this is
where Perón harbored old Nazis?)[20]
But the actors in these roles are quite white, including lead Casper van
Dien, the next screen Tarzan, whose Dutch name resonates with van Damme
macho. The soldiers in Rico¹s
platoon reference the WWII combat film's generic melting pot, updated for a
multicultural future. But even the
characters bearing Jewish, Polish, Japanese and African-American names have the
same fair, too-pretty, idealized faces.
This was not lost on reviewers, who noted the ³Aryan Spelling,²
square-jawed, big-teeth, big-lips uniformity.[21]
Where¹s Johnny?
Even
Verhoeven¹s nod to a gender-neutral military fails to undercut the fascist
ideal. These full-blooded men and
women shower together without sexual attraction, conjuring up the fascist cult
of the body as an instrument of combat rather than eros. As in Riefenstahl¹s film, showering
together demonstrates Spartan camaraderie. In the other notable scene of bodily display, Johnny¹s
hairless torso is flogged in the public square, taking the scars that mark him
as a true warrior. Again Sontag¹s
litany of fascist motifs is borne out:
the ³choreographed display of bodies,² ³physical perfection of beauty,²
³virile posing,² the ³endurance of pain,² the ³exhibition of physical skill and
courage.²[22]
Wink-Wink Riefenstahl?
As
Starship Troopers overindulges its Nazi imagery, it does so in a
narrative universe where a fascistic mentality operates without
disruption. The rules are laid out
for us in Mr. Rasczak¹s valedictory lecture on History and Moral Philosophy. As others have observed, this scene in
which a teacher inspires wartime enlistment takes the anti-war All Quiet on
the Western Front (Lewis Milestone, 1930) and stands it on its
head.[23] The one-armed veteran
explains to his class why military forces had to impose this new world order
after too much democracy led to chaos.
Things "work" because only those who have done state service
are enfranchised. Veteran soldier-citizens are licensed to reproduce. Mere ³civilians² lack ³civic virtue² and can not
vote. Force is the supreme
authority. The rabidly
anti-intellectual, anti-bourgeois side of fascist philosophy is projected onto
the only civilian characters in the film, Johnny¹s rich parents. They discourage their son from becoming
cannon fodder and insist he go to Harvard. Their soft liberalism earns them a spot on the Bug Meteor¹s
fatality list -- weak naïfs, like the people of Hiroshima, says Rasczak.
Accepting
his teaching unproblematically, all sign up for military service. Comradeship replaces family. Youth are socialized into these values
via the greatest of inculcation devices:
football. As star athletes,
Diz and Johnny become the leaders in battle. Here Verhoeven's irony is subdued for a change, not
counterposing high school football fever with zealous militarism the
heavy-handed way Peter Davis does in the anti-war documentary Hearts and
Minds (1974). This is the
principal problem with the Starship Troopers. Verhoeven¹s irony becomes so manic as to become
incoherent. Is he ridiculing
everything? and thereby nothing? When Johnny and friends adopt this
fascistic ideal, at what point does the viewer decide to go along for the ride?
In
his defense, the primary way Verhoeven tries to subvert the Federation¹s
ideology is by replicating the satirical framing device used in his earlier
films. Just as Robocop
intercuts scenes of mock newscasts (showing, a Reagan-figure accidentally
zapped by his own Star Wars weapons), Troopers features a running
propaganda broadcast viewed in an interactive Web-TV format. An ³Official Voice² presents vignettes
about how and why to fight the insect menace.
Does
this lend sufficient critical distance?
Perhaps for adult viewers, the excess, absurdity, irony, and satire make
it clear this is no endorsement of a fascist future. But the conventionally character-driven plot remains in
place with some expectation that viewers will identify with the hero¹s
strivings. Unless one is willing
to root for the horrific, scabrous bugs, the film offers no points of entry
other than the wonderful, horrible protagonist. Verhoeven is consistently anti-humanist, but his film is
confused about what it wants to articulate about fascism.
In
the promotional book, The Making of Starship Troopers, Verhoeven speaks
directly about the subject. At
times he hints at sympathy with Heinlein¹s philosophy, calling it ³benign
fascism.² When pushed to defend
himself, he avers his film is ³subversive,² decidedly not
fascist. But in between he
is as contradictory as his film.
He will only say that a Pat Buchanan-like cryptofascism in the U.S. in
the 1990s is ³interesting,² rather than alarming or wrong-headed. When the FedNet¹s official voice
repeatedly asks ³Would you like to know more?² Verhoeven maintains his film is asking its audience to consider
the nature of such a world.
[I¹m] not saying that ST ¹s society is wrong because of that resemblance
[to the Third Reich]. . . .
These references say, ³Here it is.
This futuristic society works on this level well -- and it fights the
giant insects very well. Look and decide. The judgment is yours.²[24]
Guns ŒR Us
What
audience, then, does Starship Troopers recruit and address? If it were only Heinlein readers
(including all U.S. Marines, who are required to read ST)[25] there
might be less reason for concern.
Most of the author's fans rejected the movie as a disservice to the
book. Verhoeven¹s coldness and bad
taste also turned off many film reviewers. Those who were ready to give him the benefit of the doubt
sometimes addressed the f-word head on, particularly the Washington Post,
in a series of sharp critiques.
But more typical were puff pieces on the film's brilliant cinematography
and cheerleading reviews, such as one the Detroit Free Press headlined
with ³ŒStarship Troopers¹ Sucks Out
Our Brains -- and It Feels Great.²[26]
However,
we must deal with the fact that idealized Brechtian spectators and historically
knowledgeable postmodernists were not the film's main patrons. The Troopers audience (both
actual and constructed) was largely "juvenile," to use the somewhat
dated industry term. If critical
perspective and sophistication are required to read subversive irony, then what
interpretive position is left for those too inexperienced to discern this? Verhoeven¹s film was heavily promoted
to teen and pre-teen audiences with television ads on kids¹ cable, interactive
cyberspace games, an official comic book adaptation, trading cards, a CD-ROM, a
soundtrack album, Toys ŒR Us action figures and weapons ("for ages 4 and
up"), not to mention the Disney imprimatur. The film¹s restrictive rating was
problematic enough (as a New York Post stunt proved when 12-year-olds
were able to buy tickets).[27] But
even if the gore and sex were absent, what sense might children make out of
watching, desiring or identifying with Johnny Rico? Again using a random sampling of on-line teen chats as an
indicator, it seems that many reacted to eye-candy as they might with other
films: ³This film rocks.² ³Johnny is awesome.² ³Diz is one hot babe.² (Fantastic cinematography!) With Trooper characters as
representatives of a fascist utopia, what will these same viewers think when
confronted with other fascistic principles? Hitler addressed his youth. Heinlein wrote his book as juvenile literature. Is Verhoeven juvenile enough for
today¹s ten-somethings?
Finally,
we might ask if Starship Troopers lends aid and comfort to the
enemy. If Robin Wood is correct
that Rocky and Indiana Jones would be at home in a fascist pop culture, how
much more pleasure would this starship fantasy yield with its shiny patriots
exterminating an alien enemy? As
with Hitler loving Fritz Lang¹s Metropolis for all the wrong reasons,
intentions would cease to matter.
³Nobody making films today alludes to
Riefenstahl.² -- Susan Sontag
When
Verhoeven, frustrated by criticism, yells to the press ³I am not a
fascist! I¹m a Democrat!²[28] I
believe him. He is right. Starship Troopers is not a
fascist film. Nonetheless, a film
sprung from a democratic spirit shouldn¹t be so difficult to separate from a
fascist one. Verhoeven need not
become a propagandist in the manner of Goebbels or even Heinlein to speak
clearly. His films¹ portrait of
human societies as ugly, harsh and depraved might be redeemed by just a scrap
of hope, by reference to an alternative. For all their depravity, Robocop and Total
Recall at least center on protagonists searching for their human identity,
fighting against corrupt corporate states. But with no Ronny Cox villain to deride, the Big Bug Picture
lacks a target. Incoherence, not
irony, is the postmodern trait that best demarcates this film. With Starship Troopers the
incoherence becomes nihilistic, leaving the unfortunate residue of
fascist-inspired images to resonate in ways that still matter.
If
there is a way to read this war story in a less distressing way, it stems from
the film¹s own construction of impotence.
Despite all the gun-toting and the firing of 300,000 plus rounds of
ammunition, the disciplined, devoted, clean, lean warriors of the Mobile
Infantry remain no match for the intimidating space insects. An assault rifle might have been a
macho problemsolver for John Rambo, but Johnny Rico proves inferior to the
arachnids below him and the mind-managers above him. As we learn in the final scene, the only hope the Federation
has for beating the bugs is a new breakthrough in telepathic mindreading. Carl, Johnny¹s Goebbels-inspired
friend, has become the officer in charge of psychic research. He has (possibly) remotely controlled the
foot soldier's thoughts with ³psi orders² during the final rescue mission. Able to siphon intelligence from the
captured Brain Bug, the Federation¹s military can now out-think its enemy. Of course mind control -- mass trance
through propaganda and ritual -- is also a fascist weapon par excellence. In this sense the film¹s visual display
shares the calculated effect of Riefenstahl and Speer¹s spectacles of
order. In Triumph of the Will
(as in Riefenstahl¹s Olympia, 1938) the Nazis¹ show of arms matters
little in comparison to their pageant of bodies massed in uniform. Thousands of young German troops are
seen armed with shovels, rather than the guns forbidden by the 1918 disarmament
treaty. Political power grows not
from raw military force, but out of the spectacular and its ability to generate
consent to the imagemaker¹s vision.
Ultimately,
this is why Starship Troopers is not an explicit symptom of some
resurgent militant fascism. It
can¹t happen here because the film does not adequately connect its viewing
public to any real political movement which might be seen as a referent for
Verhoeven¹s mock ³utopia.² As
Stephen Prince aptly puts it in his analysis of Robocop, even if one
concedes that the film provokes a progressive political outrage, the lack of a
tangible organization for kindred social action severely limits the film¹s
efficacy.[29] However, this hardly
makes Starship Troopers a work to be lauded. Diehard supporters might argue that by being so
unremittingly coarse, sadistic and destructive, Verhoeven¹s oeuvre rips the
mask off of Hollywood¹s commercial formula, revealing its truly corrupt
heart. Yet even critics like Fred
Glass, who find progressive politics in Verhoeven¹s dystopian movies, should
ask in the last instance the question Glass does about Total Recall. ³What will the audience remember most
when it leaves the theatre: the
politics. . . or the blood?²[30]
With
Verhoeven¹s work there seems little question that it his gore and blood that
stick. His films certainly problematize
the politics of issues like gun violence, militarism, and corporate corruption,
but we might wish that this imagemaker¹s vision were clearer and more
articulate -- especially when playing with fascism. Rather than resorting to a nihilistic response to the
political present, one might recall the clarity of singer Woody Guthrie. ³This machine kills fascists,² he
scrawled across his guitar. Paul
Verhoeven and Hollywood in general don¹t have to make the cinematic equivalent
of ³This Land Is Your Land² to signal what position they take on the
possibilities of a fascist utopia.
But neither do they need to produce films as ideologically muddled as Starship
Troopers. Perhaps, as Mamet,
Berman and a host of cultural critics have contended, there is something almost
inherently fascistic and controlling in the this machine of cinema that
³transforms the world into a visual object.² Not all pictures and narratives are endowed with the same
political meanings and historical referents, however. Contemporary filmmakers like Verhoeven, aware of a contested
cinematic past, would do well to consider more carefully which side they arm
for the future. €
Notes
1 Michael Wilmington, ³Bug Wars,² Chicago Tribune, November 7, 1997, p. A7. Attention to Starship Troopers was also diminished by the inordinate amount of publicity given to Titanic (James Cameron, 1997), released at the same time. Reviews of the movie were mixed. Despite extensive promotion by Sony/TriStar and Disney the film's box office declined quickly after a strong opening. ST grossed approximately half its production cost in its domestic release and earned roughly the same amount money through its international distribution by Disney's Touchstone.
2 According to screenwriter Ed Neumeier, the fictional Morita (a ³futuristic-looking assault shotgun²) was jokingly named after ³a then-current Sony executive.² Paul M. Sammon, The Making of Starship Troopers (New York: Boulevard Books, 1997): 73.
3 Susan Sontag, "Fascinating
Fascism," in Under the Sign of Saturn (New York: Vintage, 1980), pp. 73-105. Recent studies have made it clear that films produced under
fascism seldom resembled Triumph of the Will, but usually eschewed
explicitly political content.
"Escapist" entertainment -- musicals, comedy, adventure tales,
melodrama and the like -- were the popular forms in Fascist Italy and Hitler¹s
Reich. See James Hay, Popular
Film Culture in Fascist Italy (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), Marcia Landy, Fascism in
Film: The Italian Commercial
Cinema, 1931-1943 (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press,
1986), Thomas Elsaesser, ³Hollywood Berlin,² Sight and Sound, January
1998, pp. 14-17.
4 J. Hoberman, ³The Fascist Guns in the West,² American Film March 1986, pp. 42-44. Hoberman cites David Denby's 1985 critique in New York magazine as specifically using the fascist label for Rambo: First Blood, Part II (George Cosmatos, 1985), Red Dawn (John Milius, 1984) and other films of that season. See Robin Wood, Hollywood from Vietnam to Reagan. New York : Columbia University Press, 1986; Michael Ryan and Douglas Kellner, Camera Politica: The Politics and Ideology of Contemporary Hollywood Film, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988; Susan Jeffords, The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 19890; Stephen Prince, Visions of Empire: .
Political Imagery in Contemporary American Film (New York : Praeger, 1992).
5 The Wonderful, Horrible Life of Leni Riefenstahl [Die Macht der Bilder: Leni Reifenstahl] (Ray Müller, 1993). In 1998, Riefenstahl was deemed wonderful enough to be invited to Time magazine¹s 75th anniversary party (presumably because of her legacy as an artist) and horrible enough to remain vilified for her role in the Nazi propaganda apparatus.
6 Verhoeven alludes to his own fascination with bodily mutilation as being part of the Dutch tradition of etching and painting. Sammons, 140.
7 Prince, 171-84.
8 Paul Verhoeven's visit to the Radio-TV-Film Program at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh occurred November 3, 1995.
9 Helmut Krausser, ³Faschismus light im Weltall: Paul Verhoevens Sternenkriegsfilm Starship Troopers is ein frivoles Meisterwerk,² Der Spiegel 5 (1998): 179. Graciously brought to my attention and provided by Nicholas Vaszonyi.
10 The icepick through the victim¹s face, footage of oral sex enacted by Michael Douglas and Sharon Stone, and date-rape violence had to be cut to achieve an R rating. The whole of Showgirls was a sort of calculated set piece. Chiefly promoted as the first major Hollywood NC-17 release, the film was universally panned for dialogue and acting so inane they managed to upstage the film¹s ubiquitous nudity. It was instant camp, but unintentionally so since Verhoeven¹s usual cold, hyper-ironic distance is absent. Fortunately, even the shockmeister demurred from any playfulness at the unfortunate (and virtually unmotivated) gang-rape scene that appears in the final act.
The savage gun violence in his best known films notwithstanding, Verhoeven is definitely a knife man. The image of the castrating blade runs consistently throughout his films. In Turkish Delight the lothario protagonist uses scissors to clip pubic hair swatches from his sexual conquests and saves them in a souvenir book. In The 4th Man the title character has a nightmare in which the femme noir castrates him with a pair of scissors. Verhoeven's first English-language production, Flesh + Blood [a.k.a. The Rose and the Sword] (1985) is a bloody 16th-century swordplay film. Even Showgirls features the teen heroine wielding a switchblade against the man who rapes her roommate. In Starship Troopers, the assault on the Brain Bug is not a gun attack but Carmen slicing off the bug's long brain-sucking appendage with her knife. In basic training, Sgt. Zim demonstrates that a knife is still an effective weapon by skewering an infantryman's hand.
Verhoeven himself comments on the fetish/motif in a promotional interview appended to the video release of Basic Instinct (the director's 'cut'). Some people say Sharon Stone's character's icepick is a Freudian phallic symbol, he says. "I don't think so," but it may be, he admits. If so, "I have repressed it."
11 David Mamet, Writing in Restaurants (New York: Vintage, 1986): 16.
12 Russell A. Berman, ³Written Across Their Faces: Leni Riefenstahl, Ernst Jünger, and Fascist Modernism,² in Modern Culture and Critical Theory: Art, Politics, and the Legacy of the Frankfurt School (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988): 99.
13 Elsaesser, 14.
14 Robin Wood, ³Papering the Cracks: Fantasy and Ideology in the Reagan Era,² in John Belton, ed., Movies and Mass Culture (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996): 211-13.
15 The only film which Wood identifies as clearly fascist in its politics is Schwarzenegger¹s Conan the Barbarian (John Milius, 1982) with its Wagnerian allusions, celebration of Arnold¹s ³Aryan physique² and Nietzschean text. While Verhoeven cast Schwarzenegger in a more complicated role in Total Recall, a project now in development would have Verhoeven directing the action hero in the historical pageantry of The Crusades.
16
Everett Carl Dolman's ³Military, Democracy, and the State in Robert A.
Heinlein¹s Starship Troopers,² in Donald M. Hassler and Clyde Wilcox,
eds., Political Science Fiction
(Columbia, SC: University of South
Carolina Press, 1997): 196-214,
contains the best discussion of Heinlein's philosophy and debates over its fascistic nature. See also books by Franklin, Panshin, Olander and Greenberg, and Stover (cited on bibliography below). The charge of fascism draws heated defenses from Heinlein enthusiasts, as the on-line discussions about Starship Troopers at the time of the movie¹s release and the book¹s re-issue indicate.
17 Sontag, 91.
18 Sontag, 94.
19 Benjamin Svetkey, ³The Reich Stuff: Nazi References and Fascist Images Creep Among the Bugs in ŒStarship Troopers,¹² Entertainment Weekly, November 21, 1997, pp. 8-9.
20 The Buenos Aires setting is largely ignored, although there is a comic close-up of a framed picture of Evita lying in the rubble after the meteor attack. The film was set to be released about the same time as Madonna's Evita (1997), but held up six months for various marketing reasons.
21 Conforming to the hoary Hollywood formula, the most "ethnic" characters are dispensed with first, Shujimi eaten by a bug, Djana¹d washed out of basic training after her rifle accidentally kills a fellow trainee. The majority of principal trooper roles were played by actors who had appeared on Aaron Spelling TV series ³Beverly Hills 90210² or ³Melrose Place.²
22 Sontag, 86.
23 Stephen Hunter's stinging critique of the movie points this out. His review was by far the most trenchant immediate analysis of the film's fascist core. ³Goosestepping at the Movies,² Washington Post, November 11, 1997, p. D1.
24 Sammon, 138-39.
25 Kent Mitchell, ³Movies Corps Values: ŒTrooper¹ on Reading List,² Atlanta Constitution, November 7, 1997, p. 22.
26 Hunter, D1; Stephen Hunter, ³Ooze and Aahs: Why Disgusting, Slimy Movies are Hard not to Watch,² Wasington Post, December 9, 1997, p. D1; Rita Kempley, ³Starship Troopers,² Wasington Post, November 7, 1997, p. D1; Terry Lawson, ³ŒStarship Troopers¹ Sucks Out Our Brains -- and It Feels Great,² Detroit Free Press November 7, 1997.
27 "Despite 'R' Rating, Kids Sneak into Troopers," Reuters/Variety wire report from America Online, November 1997. Sony executives, apparently trying to justify disappointing sales, sent a letter to exhibitors (citing the New York Post story) advising them to check for moviegoers under seventeen who were supposedly sneaking into Starship Troopers after buying tickets to other films.
28 Sontag, 95; Svetkey, 9. Although Entertainment Weekly used a capital D, one suspects Verhoeven meant small-d democrat, rather than Bill Clinton Democrat. In response to criticism, the Starship Troopers official web site (a facsimile of the Federal Network seen in the movie) added a ³Would you like to know more?² section about the controversy. In mocking tones, the film¹s producers admit to ³propagandistic themes and overtones.² As if to goose up box-office receipts, the display headlines that:
Activists from ŒSave the Bugs¹, ŒBrownpeace¹, and TAG [Terran Actors Guild] are calling for Citizens and Civilians Federation Wide to boycott the film. Director Paul Verhoeven was not available for comment. The Office of the Sky Marshal is reported to have responded to the allegations as Œpure poppycock.¹
The actual Anti-Defamation League dismissed the film as too ³ludicrous² to take seriously. http://www.spe.sony.com/Pictures/SonyMovies/movies/Starship/ (Accessed 1997-98).
29 Prince, 180.
30 Fred Glass, ³Totally Recalling Arnold: Sex and Violence in the New Bad Future,² Film Quarterly 44 (1990): 7, quoted in Prince, 185.
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